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Family Law, Race and Racial Identity Theory

  Lawyers and judges like to think of the legal system as race neutral, except in those areas like the civil rights law where the legal system has determined that race should be given specific consideration. In recent years, critical race scholars and other legal scholars (e.g., Gotanda, Laurence, Harris, Matsuda) have challenged the notion that the law is in fact color blind. In family law, the claim that law is color blind could not have been seriously made until fairly recently; after all, it was less than 30 years ago that the Supreme Court invalidated statutes barring interracial marriages. In the area of custody, race remained an explicitly acceptable consideration much longer, until the Supreme Court's decision in Palmore v. Sidoti in 1984. In that case, the Supreme Court reversed an order which had awarded custody of a child to her father because the court found that the sole grounds for the trial court decision was the mother's remarriage to a Black man. The Supreme Court found that the trial court would not have transferred custody of the child from the mother to the father but for the mother's remarriage, and that the transfer would not have occurred if her new husband had been white. The Court then held that such a custody decision could not be based on a factor so clearly influenced by racial classification.

Palmore has been praised as a step forward in the law's treatment of racial issues, as it was expected that it would prevent judges from making custody decisions on racially discriminatory grounds. However, in practice, Palmore has made little practical difference; in interracial custody disputes, courts still generally award custody most of the time to the white parent, as they did before Palmore, or, where choosing between a white parent who has remarried a non-white spouse and a white parent who has not remarried or has not intermarried, the courts tend to place the child in the all-white home. When courts have reached the same result they would have come to before Palmore, they do so by coming up with apparently racially neutral justifications for their decisions. An examination of those justifications reveals a subtle bias in favor of the white parent, or the all-white family.

Moreover, while Palmore could be read narrowly to prevent race from being used as a negative criterion in custody cases, it has also been read more broadly as making race a completely impermissible criterion in custody decisions. This has had unintended consequences. For example, as Gotanda pointed out, the Supreme Court failed to recognize that it could have been a positive good for Melanie Palmore to live in a multi-racial family, which has inhibited trial courts from considering that possibility. A further result is that, since Palmore, courts appear to have been more hesitant to address explicitly as a factor in a custody decision, the psychological issues related to race for the child of an interracial marriage Ironically, the pre-Palmore cases tried with more sophistication to address those issues than have more recent cases.
Not surprisingly, the result of the courts' discomfort in addressing racial issues explicitly is that courts decide for the parent who seems most familiar to them; so the most frequent result in interracial custody disputes is that custody is awarded almost routinely to the white parent.

Standards for decision making in custody cases

In a custody dispute, the judge is guided by the amorphous standard of the "best interests of the child." That standard, because it is so subjective, will be applied based on the judge's personal perceptions of the child's 'best interests." Frequently, the judge will be guided by a "neutral" forensic expert, appointed by the court to evaluate the family and provide guidance to the court. Indeed, New York appellate courts have gone so far as to suggest that the trial judge must provide a detailed justification for rejecting the expert's opinion.

Generally, both the court and the psychiatrist view it as their role to be "color-blind." However, as several critical race scholars have pointed out in other contexts, a claim to be color-blind tends to lead to results that reinforce white domination and racial subordination. The court's response to being asked to think about the race of the parties or the children is likely to be that "color" is irrelevant to parenting. Alternatively, the court may reject a party's request that it consider cultural issues by seeing interpreting it as a request that the court automatically prefer the non-white parent.

Similarly, in cases where the trial court have awarded custody to a black parent over a white parent, the appellate courts have frequently reversed and remanded for further proceedings, holding that the trial court impermissibly based the decision on race. However, where trial courts have awarded custody of a biracial child to the white parent, the appellate courts do not disturb the decision, and, have held that the trial court properly considered race, if at all, as only one of many factors.

The language of the decisions awarding custody to white parents over black parents, or to white parents over white parents in interracial relationships, is very revealing. Frequently the black parent is described as "angry" or "unstable." This is consistent with the observation that whites tend to have an exaggerated response to displays of aggression and anger by black people, and that white mental health professionals are more likely to describe the behavior of black people as pathological. This may explain the awards of custody to the white parents in a great many of the biracial custody cases.
An alternative way that courts apply apparently neutral criteria to the disadvantage of the non-white parent occurs which the judge accords a negative value to cultural practices different from their own. Most judges tend to view the information given to them from their own perspective

Race has also been raised explicitly in post-Palmore cases on appeal where one side or the other claims that the trial court decision was impermissibly affected by race. Where the trial court has awarded custody to the Black parent and the white parent objects on appeal that the decision was impermissibly affected by race, the appeals court tends to agree and remand the case for further hearings. However, where custody has been awarded to the white parent and the Black parent objects that race has been a factor; the appeals courts have consistently found that some non-racial factor was the decisive factor.

How courts should consider race

How should trial courts and forensic psychiatrists address racial identity issues in interracial custody disputes? First, courts should be required (at least in interracial custody cases and arguably in all) to consider, as one element of the child's best interests, the ability of each parent to help the child to develop a healthy racial or bi-racial identity (i.e., psychological resolution about his or her racial group membership). At the very least, that would require that the judge address the racial issues explicitly. This in turn would require the judge to become conscious of his own racial preconceptions; or at least to provide the appellate court with information as to whether or not he was doing so.

Secondly, it would require that the forensic psychiatrist address explicitly the question of race. Again, this is an issue that should probably be addressed as to all parents, but it is certainly critical for children of interracial marriages. The psychiatrist would then be forced to assess the racial identity (i.e., psychological resolution regarding the meaning of his or her racial group membership) level of each parent and child, so that he would then be in a position to assess which parent would be most able to assist the child in developing a healthy racial identity. It should not be sufficient, for instance, for a forensic psychiatrist to say that a white parent had once taken his mixed race children to a Kwanzaa festival as an indicator of the parent's ability to raise his children with a healthy race identity.

Applying the principles above to facts such as these would require a far more detailed analysis of the parent's own racial views and identities.

Conclusion

The belief that courts can be race neutral in custody decisions by disregarding race is hollow. Except in the unusual situation where the judge, the psychiatrist, the attorneys and the parties are all functioning at a level of autonomy or internalization, a claim to ignore race will more likely result in a decision framed through the lens of whiteness, a decision that will recreate and reinforce patterns of white domination.

 
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